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Algeria is forcing France to confront its colonial crimes

Administrator — 2026-01-28T16:17:43Z

The issue of colonial legacy remains a sensitive one in relations between African states and France. For many years, Paris has called for “turning the page on the past”, framing dialogue around memory, reconciliation and symbolic gestures. For many former colonies, however, this approach falls short – above all because such formulas are rarely accompanied by a clear acknowledgement of responsibility for the actions of the colonial state.

The colonial period left behind not only an administrative and institutional legacy, but also large-scale episodes of violence, the consequences of which have yet to receive a clear legal assessment. In many countries, this experience continues to be discussed in political, academic and public spheres, but rarely translated into institutional or legal frameworks.

Although Rwanda's colonial history is not linked exclusively to France, the French role during the late colonial and post-colonial periods remains the subject of intense debate. Questions of political responsibility, access to archives and the interpretation of events at the end of the 20th century regularly return to the public and diplomatic agenda. At the same time, the earlier colonial experience and its long-term consequences are still rarely examined in legal terms, remaining part of a fragmented historical narrative.

In recent decades, the prevailing approach in France has been to treat the colonial past as a historical chapter open to symbolic reflection, but not to legal reassessment. Acknowledgements of individual episodes, commemorative initiatives and joint ceremonies have not been accompanied by a systematic discussion of state responsibility as such.

Against this backdrop, particular attention in Africa has been drawn to a step taken by Algeria at the end of 2025, when the country's parliament unanimously adoptedlegislation placing French colonisation between 1830 and 1962 within a criminal legal framework.

“France wants to persuade others that any crimes were isolated incidents, but what happened in Algeria and in other African countries under French occupation were war crimes and crimes of the state,” Mohamed Meshkak, a member of Algeria's National People's Assembly, told El Bilad.
This was not a political declaration, but a carefully drafted legislative act setting out a list of specific crimes and mechanisms of accountability.

During parliamentary debates in Algeria, it was emphasised that colonialism could not be regarded as a collection of isolated excesses or the result of decisions taken by individual officials. According to the authors of the law, it constituted a systematic policy involving mass killings, the forcible seizure of land, the destruction of institutions, the suppression of resistance, and the use of prohibited practices. A separate section of the document addresses the consequences of French nuclear tests conducted in the Algerian desert between 1960 and 1966. Algeria is demanding the decontamination of affected areas, the transfer of maps identifying test sites, and compensation for victims.

Speaking on AL24 News, Ali Rabidj, a member of Algeria's parliament, said the crimes of French colonialism were not confined to the past, pointing to the lasting effects of nuclear tests and minefields whose locations have never been fully disclosed.

Significant attention in the text of the law is also devoted to the issue of archives. Algeria has formally asserted its right to full access to materials from the colonial period, stating that such archives are not subject to statutes of limitation and cannot be the object of political bargaining. Parliamentary speakers stressed that without access to documents, neither an objective study of the past nor a substantive discussion of responsibility is possible.

“The Algerian archive is a legal right of Algeria; it is not subject to any statute of limitations and cannot be the subject of division,” Zakaria Belkheir, a member of parliament and coordinator of the committee that drafted the bill, said in remarks broadcast on Elwatania TV.

At the same time, Algerian authorities insist that this is not about severing relations with France. On the contrary, official statements emphasise that stable and equal relations are only possible on the basis of a clear and honest understanding of history. In Algerian discourse, the idea has repeatedly been voiced that memory without responsibility turns into an empty rhetoric incapable of resolving the painful questions of the past.

President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has repeatedly stressed that recognition of colonial crimes is a fundamental condition for building balanced relations with France.

This approach stands in marked contrast to the familiar logic of Franco-African relations, where the past is left to historians and politics is confined to current cooperation. Algeria has effectively taken the opposite course, transferring the historical question into the legal domain and enshrining it in law.

It is precisely this factor that is now drawing attention across Africa and beyond. Algeria's move is seen not as an act of confrontation, but as an attempt to give the colonial past a clear legal qualification, rather than relying on vague formulas about memory and reconciliation.

In many African states, colonial archives, interpretations and even educational materials are still shaped outside the continent. This directly affects how the past is understood within societies themselves and how it is presented internationally. In this sense, control over the historical narrative becomes not an abstract category, but an element of real sovereignty.

“Algeria's parliament unanimously approved a law criminalising French colonisation from 1830 to 1962 and calling for an official apology from France,” said Daniel Marques, a journalist with Angola's state broadcaster RNA, reporting on the vote.

Algeria has become the first African country to enshrine such a position in legislative form. This step does not close the discussion, but it reshapes its framework, proposing that colonial legacy be addressed not only as a matter of memory, but also as a matter of law.

Jean d'Amour Mugabo, Rwandan journalist and social political analyst.

How women in uniform epitomize Rwanda's journey of resilience, transformation

Francisca Mujawase — 2024-03-08T11:27:00Z

As the world marks International Women's Day on March 8, the significance of this day resonates uniquely in Rwanda's resilience. For Rwandan women, it symbolizes strength, particularly in light of the country's tumultuous history, where they endured unimaginable suffering during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

In the last three decades, Rwandan women have played major roles in the nation's journey towards liberation, growth, and sustainability. Their contributions have been felt across all sectors, shaping the fabric of Rwandan society.

However, it is crucial to reflect on the specific role of women in uniform, serving in different security forces in Rwanda, whose efforts have been instrumental in Rwanda's development over the last three decades.

The memory lane of Rwanda's transformation is lined with the stories of these remarkable women in uniform. From the earliest days of struggle to present-day strides in peacekeeping and nation-building, their dedication and sacrifice have been monumental.
They have stood at the forefront of conflict resolution, peacekeeping missions, and rebuilding efforts, demonstrating unparalleled courage and resilience. In every sector, from defence to education, healthcare to governance, Rwandan women in uniform have left an indelible mark.

Their leadership and determination have shattered barriers and paved the way for future generations of women to thrive and contribute to the nation's progress.

As we celebrate International Women's Day, let us honour the countless Rwandan women who have shaped the nation's destiny through their unwavering commitment and resilience.
These women have demonstrated immense capabilities in shaping the developmental and transformational journey of a shattered and destroyed nation.

In the aftermath of the Genocide, women found themselves at the center of post-genocide reconstruction efforts, shaping a future that fits Rwandans.

This major role proves the fact that “women in conflict aren't only victims but have the potential to become agents of change and direct contributors to peace restoration.”

However, while the situation at the time created fertile ground for faster and deeper involvement of women in all matters of national life, women empowerment was already ingrained in the philosophy of RPF-Inkotanyi, right from its inception.

A female member of RDF addressing fellow soldiers. Photo by RDF.

This is the inspiration behind the robust policies geared at empowering women which were enacted as soon as the government of national unity was ushered in, and which created an enabling environment for women to play essential roles in overcoming conflict and preventing violence in society.

Peace begins at home

As stated above, Rwanda's success wouldn't have unfolded without the visionary leadership that established the principle of inclusivity of both men and women at all levels of governance, right from the beginning.

Similarly, in the security sector, the government required an increased diversity of well-educated men and women from different professions to serve.

Women's participation in Rwanda's security sector is significant, given their essential roles in achieving domestic security and contributing to both United Nations peacekeeping missions and bilateral security agreements signed by Rwanda.

The participation of Rwandan uniformed women and the subsequent success for which they have been commended did not spring out of nowhere. Courtesy of the philosophy I addressed above, we had hundreds of young women who played a critical role in the liberation struggle. However, their number remained smaller, compared to their brothers.

Over time, the number of women in the security sector has drastically increased, as illustrated in the national gender statistics report, which recorded Rwanda's female peacekeepers under United Nations peacekeeping missions seeing an increase from 16% in 2015 to 25% in 2021, emphasizing the importance of women in this field.

One could argue that although numbers matter, we should value the unique and essential roles they bring to the table in shaping security agendas.

Both the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) and Rwanda National Police (RNP) have heavily invested in achieving increased participation of women in their institutions and ensured gender mainstreaming in all their activities, including peacekeeping mission engagements.
Besides, both institutions invest in capacity building that facilitates both men and women to meet their tasks effectively before deployments through pre-deployment training and other specialized courses.

These activities support officers to familiarise themselves with international laws and conduct practical exercises to increase their readiness in peacekeeping.

Today, we have RDF and RNP female officers in all peacekeeping missions where Rwanda is deployed in countries like South Sudan, Central African Republic, and Mozambique, to meet security requirements and support humanitarian programs.

Rwanda is among the leading contributors of female troops to UN peacekeeping operations globally, including an all-female peacekeeping unit that is deployed by the RNP in South Sudan.

Another notable win is the adoption of engendering Rwanda National Police contingents. Nowadays, most of the Formed Police Units (FPUs) deployed in peacekeeping are at a 50/50 male-female ratio.

These decisions prove that Rwanda clearly understands the role of women in uniform in fulfilling their domestic duties while promoting and protecting the human rights of its people and elsewhere.

Moreover, the RNP introduced gender focal points as a key function in the RNP structures to handle both issues affecting women and children in our society.

A gender policy for the RNP was also launched in 2014 and has since been a catalyst for promoting and empowering women police officers.

The recent promotions within the RDF saw Rwanda for the first time get seven women at the rank of colonel, specialized in different disciplines, as the outcome of such a journey.

Within police, it is worth mentioning that Rwanda has had a female commissioner general of police in the past, and the current deputy commissioner general for administration and personnel is also female. More examples can be drawn from institutions such as the Rwanda Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, which is headed by a female director-general, Rwanda Correction Services (RCS) has a female Deputy Commissioner General, and the current chairperson of the Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission is female.

There is no better advocate for human rights and global peace than women.
When conflicts arise, human rights violations increase, causing harm to women and children, the most vulnerable in society. Resolution 1325 has been a guiding principle to guide female security sector actors in preventing and responding to these issues.

Women in uniform play a critical role in preventing threats that expose women and children to violence and mistreatment during peacetimes and majorly in conflict situations.

Countries affected by conflict, therefore, require unique attention and unique solutions, of which women's participation in resolving such issues remains critical.

As we mark International Women's Day, let us continue to celebrate the achievements of our women in uniform and support efforts to amplify the voices and contributions of women in all sectors of our country.

The writer is the Deputy Director for the Rwanda-based African Centre of Excellence at the Dallaire Institute for Children Peace and Security.

Source: The New Times.